“First they came …”
In honor of the feckless formation that is the institutional Democratic Party, I have updated Martin Niemöller’s famous 1946 confession, which came to be known as “First they came.” Here it is:
First they came for USAID employees, and I did not speak out—because I was not a USAID employee.
Then they came for Department of Education employees, and I did not speak out— because I was not a Department of Education employee.
Then they came for all federal employees, and I did not speak out—because I was not a federal employee.
Then they came for Social Security Medicare, and Medicaid, and I did not speak out—because I don’t need Social Security, Medicare, or Medicaid.
Then they came for me—and there was no one left to speak for me.
(Nobody wanted to vote for me, either.)
In honor of the feckless formation that is the institutional Democratic Party, I have updated Martin Niemöller’s famous 1946 confession, which came to be known as “First they came.” Here it is:
First they came for USAID employees, and I did not speak out—because I was not a USAID employee.
Then they came for Department of Education employees, and I did not speak out— because I was not a Department of Education employee.
Then they came for all federal employees, and I did not speak out—because I was not a federal employee.
Then they came for Social Security Medicare, and Medicaid, and I did not speak out—because I don’t need Social Security, Medicare, or Medicaid.
Then they came for me—and there was no one left to speak for me.
(Nobody wanted to vote for me, either.)
Words extracted from Richard (RJ) Eskow's newsletter explaining our present situation in today's America, some 40 days into the Trump and oligarchy administration.
But it’s now become clear that Trump isn’t just trying to dismantle American democracy. He’s gunning to destroy democracy worldwide.
And in the same line of thought, Susan B. Glasser writes
With today’s extraordinary, televised fight in the Oval Office between President Trump and President Volodymyr Zelensky, we all saw clearly something that has been unfolding over the past couple of weeks: the United States of America has switched sides in the war between Russia and Ukraine. The country is no longer on the side of Ukraine.
This is a momentous shift by Trump, one that has implications not only for Ukraine’s very survival but for the survival of America’s partnership with its European allies. Last week, I wrote my column about what I called Trump’s Putinization of America, both in a foreign-policy sense—as in, actually pivoting toward Russia—and also in the sense of deploying an array of Putin-like tactics at home. This week, we see that shift even more clearly. On the third anniversary of Russia’s unprovoked invasion of Ukraine, Donald Trump—even before he fought with Zelensky today—directed the United States to vote with Russia, Belarus, and North Korea at the United Nations.
We see that there are real consequences to Trump’s admiration of and fascination with the world’s dictators, autocrats, and strongmen; that it’s not just a rhetorical preference. It’s become an actual foreign-policy direction for the country, which represents a radical shift in America’s postwar view of the world.
It’s a breathtaking pivot. And the question I asked in this week’s column is: What is anybody going to do about it? Where is the opposition to this shocking turn of events? I just kept thinking: the person cheering this change more than anyone is Vladimir Putin.
Excerpt of an article by Susan B. Glasser, with the brilliant " The New Yorker" Again to express the same, not only internally but affecting majorly our foreign policies and alliances.
With today’s extraordinary, televised fight in the Oval Office between President Trump and President Volodymyr Zelensky, we all saw clearly something that has been unfolding over the past couple of weeks: the United States of America has switched sides in the war between Russia and Ukraine. The country is no longer on the side of Ukraine.
This is a momentous shift by Trump, one that has implications not only for Ukraine’s very survival but for the survival of America’s partnership with its European allies. Last week, I wrote my column about what I called Trump’s Putinization of America, both in a foreign-policy sense—as in, actually pivoting toward Russia—and also in the sense of deploying an array of Putin-like tactics at home. This week, we see that shift even more clearly. On the third anniversary of Russia’s unprovoked invasion of Ukraine, Donald Trump—even before he fought with Zelensky today—directed the United States to vote with Russia, Belarus, and North Korea at the United Nations.
We see that there are real consequences to Trump’s admiration of and fascination with the world’s dictators, autocrats, and strongmen; that it’s not just a rhetorical preference. It’s become an actual foreign-policy direction for the country, which represents a radical shift in America’s postwar view of the world.
It’s a breathtaking pivot. And the question I asked in this week’s column is: What is anybody going to do about it? Where is the opposition to this shocking turn of events? I just kept thinking: the person cheering this change more than anyone is Vladimir Putin.
Excerpt of an article by Susan B. Glasser, with the brilliant " The New Yorker" Again to express the same, not only internally but affecting majorly our foreign policies and alliances.
We are watching what we never thought possible—the apparent transformation of our democracy into a dictatorship (or, as Trump has promoted, a monarchy with him as king).
Silence today is complicity in the destruction of the very values and interests that did in fact once form the heart of America.
As always, my many thanks to all my good readers and friends.
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